Hegseth 'Proudly' Fixes 'Woke Biden Initiative': 'Troops HATE It'
On Tuesday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth made waves by scrapping an initiative he claimed had gone “woke” under the Biden administration — a move that unintentionally spotlighted the difficulties of appeasing liberal expectations.
Using a post on X, Hegseth revealed he was pulling back the Pentagon’s involvement in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) initiative — a program described by The Hill as aiming to “advance women’s participation in peace-building and conflict prevention.”
“WPS is yet another woke divisive/social justice/Biden initiative that overburdens our commanders and troops — distracting from our core task: WAR-FIGHTING,” Hegseth wrote.

He continued, “WPS is a UNITED NATIONS program pushed by feminists and left-wing activists. Politicians fawn over it; troops HATE it.
“DoD will hereby executive the minimum of WPS required by statute, and fight to end the program for our next budget. GOOD RIDDANCE WPS!”
Yet, as X Community Notes pointed out, WPS wasn’t born during Biden’s term. It originated under the Trump administration — passed with bipartisan support and signed into law by President Trump himself.
This morning, I proudly ENDED the “Women, Peace & Security” (WPS) program inside the @DeptofDefense.
— Pete Hegseth (@PeteHegseth) April 29, 2025
WPS is yet another woke divisive/social justice/Biden initiative that overburdens our commanders and troops — distracting from our core task: WAR-FIGHTING.
WPS is a UNITED…
This revelation led to a slew of online commentary. The program’s roots tie back to some current administration figures: Kristi Noem, now Secretary of Homeland Security, co-authored the measure during her time as a South Dakota congresswoman, and Florida Senator Marco Rubio, now Secretary of State, was a co-sponsor.
Legally, the Department of Defense must maintain compliance with the minimum requirements of the law until the budget cycle allows for potential defunding.
This legislation was unprecedented at the time — the first of its kind globally — and partially institutionalized United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, adopted in 2000. That resolution recognized the disproportionate suffering of “civilians, particularly women and children,” during armed conflict, including as “refugees and internally displaced persons,” and highlighted how they were “increasingly… targeted by combatants and armed elements.”
At the time of signing, the Trump White House declared, “The United States has long proven its commitment to address injustice against women and girls in conflict areas, alongside our broader commitment to help those in need and those trying to build a better future for their families.”
They also emphasized that through work “with partners and at multilateral organizations such as the United Nations,” the U.S. had become “a champion of women’s empowerment across the phases of conflict and crisis resolution.”
But a closer look at the legislation's operational details reveals a red flag: one of the primary agencies charged with its execution was USAID — a department often criticized as a “graveyard” for conservative policy initiatives once they become entangled with bureaucracy and ideological agendas.
Compounding this, the United Nations’ 2023 policy update regarding WPS expanded its scope with phrases critics saw as ideological overreach. Among the wording: “Gender perspectives should be applied throughout any political and conflict analysis undertaken to address gendered triggers of violence and responses to conflict, as well as to ensure attention to the gendered impact of armed conflict and the (different) gendered roles of women, men, girls, boys, and LGBTI people. This should include the recognition of the specific challenges and exclusion of young women, both in online and offline spaces.”
Critics argue that such language reveals how far the U.N. has drifted from real-world concerns — especially in light of its inaction regarding sexual violence carried out by Hamas against Israeli victims, undermining its moral authority on the issue.
The Biden administration’s approach to the program appears to mirror the U.N.’s tone. A Dec. 30, 2024 memorandum emphasized diversity objectives like efforts to “expand[ ] opportunities for and remove barriers to recruitment, employment, retention, development, and promotion that contribute to the under-representation of women in foreign security forces,” and to “integrate gender analysis into the policy, planning, training, operations, and exercises of foreign security forces.”
How does any of this translate into enhanced combat effectiveness? Don’t ask — just obey.
In contrast, real efforts toward “women, peace and security” should be anchored in military power and deterrence. The U.S. armed forces — not the U.N. — remain the most potent force protecting vulnerable populations across the globe.
So yes — “Good riddance, WPS.” Well done, Secretary Hegseth. Here’s hoping it’s just the start.